Lebanon

25 Jul 2006
Ms Diane Abbott: I wish to speak on a subject of great concern to me and my constituents: the unfolding tragedy in Lebanon. It is worth reminding the House how the crisis began. It started two weeks ago, when Palestinians in Gaza captured an Israeli soldier with the intention of negotiating the release of some of the 9,000 Palestinian prisoners of war in Israel. Gaza took a pounding. There were attacks on electricity and water supplies and thousands of people suffered, but the rest of the world did nothing, including the Arab states.

Hezbollah decided to do something about the situation and to pose as the champion of the Palestinian cause. It responded by capturing two more Israeli servicemen and, eventually, by firing rockets into Israel—most, if not all, of which were aimed at civilian targets. Of course, Israel absolutely has the right to defend itself and respond to the missile threats, but the issue for me, my constituents and most of the Governments in the world, with the exception of those of America and Britain, is Israel’s excessive use of force. Jan Egeland, the United Nations Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, has described the Israeli response as a violation of humanitarian law.

Earlier in the debate hon. Members spoke of the need to strengthen the Lebanese state. Of course that is important, but I am not clear how killing 370 Lebanese civilians, forcing 500,000 people to flee, smashing the bridges and roads, blockading the port and smashing the capital, Beirut, will strengthen the Lebanese state and make Lebanon more stable. Of course, Israel has a right to self-defence, but as matters stand, casualties on the Israeli side and casualties on the Palestinian and Lebanese side are running at about 1:10 in favour of the Israelis.

Israel insists that it is hitting only targets related to Hezbollah, but we can all see on our television screens the hundreds of civilians who are being hit, whether intentionally or unintentionally. Only yesterday television pictures were transmitted of two Red Cross vehicles clearly marked as Red Cross vehicles, lit as Red Cross vehicles, with Red Cross flags on top, which were deliberately bombed by the Israelis. Not only the patients inside the ambulances, but the Red Cross personnel were put in hospital.

We have heard terrible reports of some of the Israeli activity, which may yet be seen to verge on war crimes. There are several instances of the Israeli military ordering civilians to leave their homes and then firing rockets into the evacuation fleet, blasting women and children refugees inside. The rockets that killed them are believed to be Hellfire missiles made by Lockheed Martin in Florida.

The Israeli Government have not chosen the route of de-escalation and negotiation. Instead, they have chosen war. Britain and America are standing back and, as it is described, letting Israel deal with Hezbollah. What historical precedent is there for such military action successfully dealing with insurgent guerrillas, which is what Hezbollah is? Did it succeed in Malaysia, Cyprus or Kenya? How can it succeed in Lebanon?

The action that Israel is taking in Lebanon looks increasingly less like an attack on a terrorist organisation and more like an attack on a nation. It looks increasingly like the collective punishment of the Lebanese people for failing, in Israeli eyes, to do more to contain Hezbollah. That cannot be right or fair, it is contrary to the laws of natural justice, and it cannot work, because for every Lebanese civilian who dies as a result of the current Israeli action, there will be many more recruits for the Hezbollah extremists, so even in its own terms, neither militarily nor politically can the Israeli bombardment of Lebanon achieve the professed aims.

It is noticeable that even the strong middle east allies of Britain and America, such as the Iraqi Prime Minister yesterday, have clearly condemned what is happening. It is difficult for Britain and America to pose as people who wish to fight for human rights and national sovereignty across the world, when the Arab world sees what is happening to Lebanon. There is the never ending war in Afghanistan, the increasing devastation of Iraq, where thousands of people are dying, the continuing death and destruction in Gaza and the bombing of Beirut. How does that look on the Arab street? How does that make the world a safer place?

Mr. Nigel Evans (Ribble Valley) (Con): It seemed rather strange that no early ceasefire was sought by the United States or the United Kingdom; all that they talked about was an effective ceasefire. Surely any ceasefire that would have prevented the deaths of innocent men, women and children would have been an effective ceasefire. What does the hon. Lady believe the Arab states should be doing themselves to ensure that Hezbollah is properly removed from the area so that it cannot perpetrate its terrorism on Israel?

Ms Abbott: There is no question but that Syria and Iran could rein in Hezbollah if they so chose. But I agree that an effective ceasefire is one where the shooting stops, and if the shooting had stopped days ago, many hundreds of Lebanese men, women and children would be still alive and uninjured, and perhaps half a million Lebanese would not still be fleeing for their lives.

What is happening in Lebanon, and the failure of Britain and America to take immediate action, reflects poorly on us throughout the world, makes the world a more dangerous place, and puts us in Britain in danger, because it will be seen in the context of what is happening across the middle east.

I do not deny that Hezbollah and its patrons in Syria and Iran have a major responsibility for what is happening, but it is also the view of many of my constituents that Israel’s continuing excessive and counter-productive military response approaches a war crime. My constituents and others have written to me to say how saddened they are that they do not see a British Prime Minister taking a clearer position on this.

My hon. Friend the Member for Lewisham, Deptford (Joan Ruddock) said earlier how little the British Government have moved from being America’s poodle in these matters. If the British Government had stood with their European counterparts in calling for an immediate ceasefire, we would have won respect around the world. Israel clearly believes that it has informal approval from George Bush and from our Prime Minister to continue its assault on Lebanon, both from the air and in a series of ground incursions across the border.

The Prime Minister should take advantage of the special relationship with the American President to put pressure on the US to demand a ceasefire. We must encourage all sides to respect each other’s sovereignty as well as international law, and work for the release of all prisoners held illegally without trial, as a means to end the current crisis. But above all, a negotiated settlement is the only route to a lasting peace in the middle east. The international community must make haste and contribute to bringing about the conditions necessary for the resumption of negotiations to allow
humanitarian aid and the delivery of medicines and food to reach those in desperate need in order to avoid humanitarian catastrophe in the Lebanon.

What unfolds in the Lebanon this summer will, despite the fact that Parliament is formally in recess, engage the attention of many of us, and I hope that if there is a very pressing crisis it may be possible to recall the House for a full debate.



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